灵魂的漂泊者

PhilosophyJanuary 30, 2007 12:09 pm

Why Chinese Is So Damn Hard
by David Moser
University of Michigan Center for Chinese Studies

The first question any thoughtful person might ask when reading the title

of this essay is, “Hard for whom?” A reasonable question. After all,
Chinese people seem to learn it just fine. When little Chinese kids go
through the “terrible twos”, it’s Chinese they use to drive their parents
crazy, and in a few years the same kids are actually using those impossibly
complicated Chinese characters to scribble love notes and shopping lists
. So what do I mean by “hard”? Since I know at the outset that the whole
tone of this document is going to involve a lot of whining and complaining
, I may as well come right out and say exactly what I mean. I mean hard
for me, a native English speaker trying to learn Chinese as an adult,
going through the whole process with the textbooks, the tapes, the conversation
partners, etc., the whole torturous rigmarole. I mean hard for me—and, of course, for the many other Westerners who have spent years of
their lives bashing their heads against the Great Wall of Chinese.
From Schriftfestschrift: Essays on Writing and Language in Honor of John
DeFrancis on His Eightieth Birthday (Sino-Platonic Papers No. 27, August
1991), edited by Victor H. Mair
If this were as far as I went, my statement would be a pretty empty one
. Of course Chinese is hard for me. After all, any foreign language is
hard for a non-native, right? Well, sort of. Not all foreign languages
are equally difficult for any learner. It depends on which language you
‘re coming from. A French person can usually learn Italian faster than
an American, and an average American could probably master German a lot
faster than an average Japanese, and so on. So part of what I’m contending
is that Chinese is hard compared to … well, compared to almost any
other language you might care to tackle. What I mean is that Chinese is
not only hard for us (English speakers), but it’s also hard in absolute
terms. Which means that Chinese is also hard for them, for Chinese people
.1
If you don’t believe this, just ask a Chinese person. Most Chinese people
will cheerfully acknowledge that their language is hard, maybe the hardest
on earth. (Many are even proud of this, in the same way some New Yorkers
are actually proud of living in the most unlivable city in America.)
Maybe all Chinese people deserve a medal just for being born Chinese.
At any rate, they generally become aware at some point of the Everest-
like status of their native language, as they, from their privileged vantage
point on the summit, observe foolhardy foreigners huffing and puffing
up the steep slopes.
Everyone’s heard the supposed fact that if you take the English idiom
“It’s Greek to me” and search for equivalent idioms in all the world’s
languages to arrive at a consensus as to which language is the hardest
, the results of such a linguistic survey is that Chinese easily wins
as the canonical incomprehensible language. (For example, the French have
the expression “C’est du chinois”, “It’s Chinese”, i.e., “It’s incomprehensible
“. Other languages have similar sayings.) So then the question arises:
What do the Chinese themselves consider to be an impossibly hard language
? You then look for the corresponding phrase in Chinese, and you find
Ge��n tia��nshu�� yíya��ng 跟天书一样 meaning “It’s like heavenly
script.”
There is truth in this linguistic yarn; Chinese does deserve its reputation
for heartbreaking difficulty. Those who undertake to study the language
for any other reason than the sheer joy of it will always be frustrated
by the abysmal ratio of effort to effect. Those who are actually attracted
to the language precisely because of its daunting complexity and difficulty
will never be disappointed. Whatever the reason they started, every single
person who has undertaken to study Chinese sooner or later asks themselves
“Why in the world am I doing this?” Those who can still remember their
original goals will wisely abandon the attempt then and there, since
nothing could be worth all that tedious struggle. Those who merely say
“I’ve come this far—I can’t stop now” will have some chance of succeeding
, since they have the kind of mindless doggedness and lack of sensible
overall perspective that it takes.
Okay, having explained a bit of what I mean by the word, I return to my
original question: Why is Chinese so damn hard?
1. Because the writing system is ridiculous.
Beautiful, complex, mysterious—but ridiculous. I, like many students
of Chinese, was first attracted to Chinese because of the writing system
, which is surely one of the most fascinating scripts in the world. The
more you learn about Chinese characters the more intriguing and addicting
they become. The study of Chinese characters can become a lifelong obsession
, and you soon find yourself engaged in the daily task of accumulating
them, drop by drop from the vast sea of characters, in a vain attempt
to hoard them in the leaky bucket of long-term memory.
The beauty of the characters is indisputable, but as the Chinese people
began to realize the importance of universal literacy, it became clear
that these ideograms were sort of like bound feet—some fetishists
may have liked the way they looked, but they weren’t too practical for
daily use.
For one thing, it is simply unreasonably hard to learn enough characters
to become functionally literate. Again, someone may ask “Hard in comparison
to what?” And the answer is easy: Hard in comparison to Spanish, Greek
, Russian, Hindi, or any other sane, “normal” language that requires at
most a few dozen symbols to write anything in the language. John DeFrancis
, in his book The Chinese Language: Fact and Fantasy, reports that his
Chinese colleagues estimate it takes seven to eight years for a Mandarin
speaker to learn to read and write three thousand characters, whereas
his French and Spanish colleagues estimate that students in their respective
countries achieve comparable levels in half that time.2 Naturally, this
estimate is rather crude and impressionistic (it’s unclear what “comparable
levels” means here), but the overall implications are obvious: the Chinese
writing system is harder to learn, in absolute terms, than an alphabetic
writing system.3 Even Chinese kids, whose minds are at their peak absorptive
power, have more trouble with Chinese characters than their little counterparts
in other countries have with their respective scripts. Just imagine the
difficulties experienced by relatively sluggish post-pubescent foreign
learners such as myself.
Everyone has heard that Chinese is hard because of the huge number of
characters one has to learn, and this is absolutely true. There are a
lot of popular books and articles that downplay this difficulty, saying
things like “Despite the fact that Chinese has [10,000, 25,000, 50,000
, take your pick] separate characters you really only need 2,000 or so
to read a newspaper”. Poppycock. I couldn’t comfortably read a newspaper
when I had 2,000 characters under my belt. I often had to look up several
characters per line, and even after that I had trouble pulling the meaning
out of the article. (I take it as a given that what is meant by “read
” in this context is “read and basically comprehend the text without having
to look up dozens of characters”; otherwise the claim is rather empty
.)
This fairy tale is promulgated because of the fact that, when you look
at the character frequencies, over 95% of the characters in any newspaper
are easily among the first 2,000 most common ones.4 But what such accounts
don’t tell you is that there will still be plenty of unfamiliar words
made up of those familiar characters. (To illustrate this problem, note
that in English, knowing the words “up” and “tight” doesn’t mean you
know the word “uptight”.) Plus, as anyone who has studied any language
knows, you can often be familiar with every single word in a text and
still not be able to grasp the meaning. Reading comprehension is not
simply a matter of knowing a lot of words; one has to get a feeling for
how those words combine with other words in a multitude of different
contexts.5 In addition, there is the obvious fact that even though you
may know 95% of the characters in a given text, the remaining 5% are
often the very characters that are crucial for understanding the main
point of the text. A non-native speaker of English reading an article
with the headline “JACUZZIS FOUND EFFECTIVE IN TREATING PHLEBITIS” is
not going to get very far if they don’t know the words “jacuzzi” or “phlebitis
“.
The problem of reading is often a touchy one for those in the China field
. How many of us would dare stand up in front of a group of colleagues
and read a randomly-selected passage out loud? Yet inferiority complexes
or fear of losing face causes many teachers and students to become unwitting
cooperators in a kind of conspiracy of silence wherein everyone pretends
that after four years of Chinese the diligent student should be whizzing
through anything from Confucius to Lu Xun, pausing only occasionally
to look up some pesky low-frequency character (in their Chinese-Chinese
dictionary, of course). Others, of course, are more honest about the
difficulties. The other day one of my fellow graduate students, someone
who has been studying Chinese for ten years or more, said to me “My research
is really hampered by the fact that I still just can’t read Chinese.
It takes me hours to get through two or three pages, and I can’t skim
to save my life.” This would be an astonishing admission for a tenth-year
student of, say, French literature, yet it is a comment I hear all the
time among my peers (at least in those unguarded moments when one has
had a few too many Tsingtao beers and has begun to lament how slowly
work on the thesis is coming).
A teacher of mine once told me of a game he and a colleague would sometimes
play: The contest involved pulling a book at random from the shelves
of the Chinese section of the Asia Library and then seeing who could be
the first to figure out what the book was about. Anyone who has spent
time working in an East Asia collection can verify that this can indeed
be a difficult enough task—never mind reading the book in question
. This state of affairs is very disheartening for the student who is impatient
to begin feasting on the vast riches of Chinese literature, but must
subsist on a bland diet of canned handouts, textbook examples, and carefully
edited appetizers for the first few years.
The comparison with learning the usual western languages is striking.
After about a year of studying French, I was able to read a lot. I went
through the usual kinds of novels—La nausée by Sartre, Voltaire’s
Candide, L’étranger by Camus—plus countless newspapers, magazines
, comic books, etc. It was a lot of work but fairly painless; all I really
needed was a good dictionary and a battered French grammar book I got
at a garage sale.
This kind of “sink or swim” approach just doesn’t work in Chinese. At
the end of three years of learning Chinese, I hadn’t yet read a single
complete novel. I found it just too hard, impossibly slow, and unrewarding
. Newspapers, too, were still too daunting. I couldn’t read an article
without looking up about every tenth character, and it was not uncommon
for me to scan the front page of the People’s Daily and not be able to
completely decipher a single headline. Someone at that time suggested
I read The Dream of the Red Chamber and gave me a nice three-volume edition
. I just have to laugh. It still sits on my shelf like a fat, smug Buddha
, only the first twenty or so pages filled with scribbled definitions
and question marks, the rest crisp and virgin. After six years of studying
Chinese, I’m still not at a level where I can actually read it without
an English translation to consult. (By “read it”, I mean, of course,
“read it for pleasure”. I suppose if someone put a gun to my head and
a dictionary in my hand, I could get through it.) Simply diving into the
vast pool of Chinese in the beginning is not only foolhardy, it can even
be counterproductive. As George Kennedy writes, “The difficulty of memorizing
a Chinese ideograph as compared with the difficulty of learning a new
word in a European language, is such that a rigid economy of mental effort
is imperative.”6 This is, if anything, an understatement. With the risk
of drowning so great, the student is better advised to spend more time
in the shallow end treading water before heading toward the deep end.

As if all this weren’t bad enough, another ridiculous aspect of the Chinese

writing system is that there are two (mercifully overlapping) sets of
characters: the traditional characters still used in Taiwan and Hong
Kong, and the simplified characters adopted by the People’s Republic of
China in the late 1950’s and early 60’s. Any foreign student of Chinese
is more or less forced to become familiar with both sets, since they
are routinely exposed to textbooks and materials from both Chinas. This
linguistic camel’s-back-breaking straw puts an absurd burden on the already
absurdly burdened student of Chinese, who at this point would gladly
trade places with Sisyphus. But since Chinese people themselves are never
equally proficient in both simplified and complex characters, there is
absolutely no shame whatsoever in eventually concentrating on one set
to the partial exclusion the other. In fact, there is absolutely no shame
in giving up Chinese altogether, when you come right down to it.
2. Because the language doesn’t have the common sense to use an alphabet
.

To further explain why the Chinese writing system is so hard in this respect
, it might be a good idea to spell out (no pun intended) why that of English

is so easy. Imagine the kind of task faced by the average Chinese adult
who decides to study English. What skills are needed to master the writing
system? That’s easy: 26 letters. (In upper and lower case, of course,
plus script and a few variant forms. And throw in some quote marks, apostrophes
, dashes, parentheses, etc.—all things the Chinese use in their own
writing system.) And how are these letters written? From left to right
, horizontally, across the page, with spaces to indicate word boundaries
. Forgetting for a moment the problem of spelling and actually making
words out of these letters, how long does it take this Chinese learner
of English to master the various components of the English writing system
? Maybe a day or two.
Now consider the American undergraduate who decides to study Chinese.
What does it take for this person to master the Chinese writing system
? There is nothing that corresponds to an alphabet, though there are recurring
components that make up the characters. How many such components are
there? Don’t ask. As with all such questions about Chinese, the answer
is very messy and unsatisfying. It depends on how you define “component
” (strokes? radicals?), plus a lot of other tedious details. Suffice it
to say, the number is quite large, vastly more than the 26 letters of
the Roman alphabet. And how are these components combined to form characters
? Well, you name it—components to the left of other components, to
the right of other components, on top of other components, surrounding
other components, inside of other components—almost anything is possible
. And in the process of making these spatial accommodations, these components
get flattened, stretched, squashed, shortened, and distorted in order
to fit in the uniform square space that all characters are supposed to
fit into. In other words, the components of Chinese characters are arrayed
in two dimensions, rather than in the neat one-dimensional rows of alphabetic
writing.
Okay, so ignoring for the moment the question of elegance, how long does
it take a Westerner to learn the Chinese writing system so that when
confronted with any new character they at least know how to move the pen
around in order to produce a reasonable facsimile of that character?
Again, hard to say, but I would estimate that it takes the average learner
several months of hard work to get the basics down. Maybe a year or more

if they’re a klutz who was never very good in art class. Meanwhile, their

Chinese counterpart learning English has zoomed ahead to learn cursive
script, with time left over to read Moby Dick, or at least Strunk & White
.

This is not exactly big news, I know; the alphabet really is a breeze
to learn. Chinese people I know who have studied English for a few years

can usually write with a handwriting style that is almost indistinguishable
from that of the average American. Very few Americans, on the other hand
, ever learn to produce a natural calligraphic hand in Chinese that resembles
anything but that of an awkward Chinese third-grader. If there were nothing
else hard about Chinese, the task of learning to write characters alone
would put it in the rogues’ gallery of hard-to-learn languages.
3. Because the writing system just ain’t very phonetic.
So much for the physical process of writing the characters themselves.
What about the sheer task of memorizing so many characters? Again, a
comparison of English and Chinese is instructive. Suppose a Chinese person
has just the previous day learned the English word “president”, and now
wants to write it from memory. How to start? Anyone with a year or two
of English experience is going to have a host of clues and spelling rules
ofthumb, albeit imperfect ones, to help them along. The word really
couldn’t start with anything but “pr”, and after that a little guesswork
aided by visual memory (“Could a ‘z’ be in there? That’s an unusual letter
, I would have noticed it, I think. Must be an ’s’…”) should produce
something close to the target. Not every foreigner (or native speaker
for that matter) has noted or internalized the various flawed spelling
heuristics of English, of course, but they are at least there to be utilized
.

Now imagine that you, a learner of Chinese, have just the previous day

encountered the Chinese word for “president” (总统 zo��ngto��ng )
and want to write it. What processes do you go through in retrieving
the word? Well, very often you just totally forget, with a forgetting
that is both absolute and perfect in a way few things in this life are
. You can repeat the word as often as you like; the sound won’t give you
a clue as to how the character is to be written. After you learn a few
more characters and get hip to a few more phonetic components, you can
do a bit better. (“Zo��ng 总 is a phonetic component in some other
character, right?…Song? Zeng? Oh yeah, cong 总 as in co��ngmíng 聪
明.”) Of course, the phonetic aspect of some characters is more obvious
than that of others, but many characters, including some of the most
high-frequency ones, give no clue at all as to their pronunciation.
All of this is to say that Chinese is just not very phonetic when compared
to English. (English, in turn, is less phonetic than a language like
German or Spanish, but Chinese isn’t even in the same ballpark.) It is
not true, as some people outside the field tend to think, that Chinese
is not phonetic at all, though a perfectly intelligent beginning student
could go several months without noticing this fact. Just how phonetic
the language is a very complex issue. Educated opinions range from 25
% (Zhao Yuanren)7 to around 66% (DeFrancis),8 though the latter estimate
assumes more knowledge of phonetic components than most learners are
likely to have. One could say that Chinese is phonetic in the way that
sex is aerobic: technically so, but in practical use not the most salient
thing about it. Furthermore, this phonetic aspect of the language doesn
‘t really become very useful until you’ve learned a few hundred characters
, and even when you’ve learned two thousand, the feeble phoneticity of
Chinese will never provide you with the constant memory prod that the
phonetic quality of English does.
Which means that often you just completely forget how to write a character
. Period. If there is no obvious semantic clue in the radical, and no
helpful phonetic component somewhere in the character, you’re just sunk
. And you’re sunk whether your native language is Chinese or not; contrary
to popular myth, Chinese people are not born with the ability to memorize
arbitrary squiggles. In fact, one of the most gratifying experiences
a foreign student of Chinese can have is to see a native speaker come
up a complete blank when called upon to write the characters for some
relatively common word. You feel an enormous sense of vindication and
relief to see a native speaker experience the exact same difficulty you
experience every day.
This is such a gratifying experience, in fact, that I have actually kept
a list of characters that I have observed Chinese people forget how to
write. (A sick, obsessive activity, I know.) I have seen highly literate
Chinese people forget how to write certain characters in common words
like “tin can”, “knee”, “screwdriver”, “snap” (as in “to snap one’s fingers
“), “elbow”, “ginger”, “cushion”, “firecracker”, and so on. And when I
say “forget”, I mean that they often cannot even put the first stroke
down on the paper. Can you imagine a well-educated native English speaker
totally forgetting how to write a word like “knee” or “tin can”? Or even
a rarely-seen word like “scabbard” or “ragamuffin”? I was once at a luncheon
with three Ph.D. students in the Chinese Department at Peking University
, all native Chinese (one from Hong Kong). I happened to have a cold that
day, and was trying to write a brief note to a friend canceling an appointment
that day. I found that I couldn’t remember how to write the character
嚔, as in da penti 打喷嚔 “to sneeze”. I asked my three friends how to
write the character, and to my surprise, all three of them simply shrugged
in sheepish embarrassment. Not one of them could correctly produce the
character. Now, Peking University is usually considered the “Harvard
of China”. Can you imagine three Ph.D. students in English at Harvard
forgetting how to write the English word “sneeze”?? Yet this state of
affairs is by no means uncommon in China. English is simply orders of
magnitude easier to write and remember. No matter how low-frequency the
word is, or how unorthodox the spelling, the English speaker can always
come up with something, simply because there has to be some correspondence
between sound and spelling. One might forget whether “abracadabra” is
hyphenated or not, or get the last few letters wrong on “rhinoceros”,
but even the poorest of spellers can make a reasonable stab at almost
anything. By contrast, often even the most well-educated Chinese have
no recourse but to throw up their hands and ask someone else in the room
how to write some particularly elusive character.
As one mundane example of the advantages of a phonetic writing system,
here is one kind of linguistic situation I encountered constantly while
I was in France. (Again I use French as my canonical example of an “easy
” foreign language.) I wake up one morning in Paris and turn on the radio
. An ad comes on, and I hear the word “amortisseur” several times. “What
’s an amortisseur?” I think to myself, but as I am in a hurry to make
an appointment, I forget to look the word up in my haste to leave the
apartment. A few hours later I’m walking down the street, and I read,
on a sign, the word “AMORTISSEUR”—the word I heard earlier this morning
. Beneath the word on the sign is a picture of a shock absorber. Aha!
So “amortisseur” means “shock absorber”. And voila! I’ve learned a new
word, quickly and painlessly, all because the sound I construct when
reading the word is the same as the sound in my head from the radio this
morning—one reinforces the other. Throughout the next week I see the
word again several times, and each time I can reconstruct the sound by
simply reading the word phonetically—“a-mor-tis-seur”. Before long
I can retrieve the word easily, use it in conversation, or write it in
a letter to a friend. And the process of learning a foreign language
begins to seem less daunting.
When I first went to Taiwan for a few months, the situation was quite
different. I was awash in a sea of characters that were all visually interesting
but phonetically mute. I carried around a little dictionary to look up
unfamiliar characters in, but it’s almost impossible to look up a character
in a Chinese dictionary while walking along a crowded street (more on
dictionary look-up later), and so I didn’t get nearly as much phonetic
reinforcement as I got in France. In Taiwan I could pass a shop with
a sign advertising shock absorbers and never know how to pronounce any
of the characters unless I first look them up. And even then, the next
time I pass the shop I might have to look the characters up again. And
again, and again. The reinforcement does not come naturally and easily
.

4. Because you can’t cheat by using cognates.
I remember when I had been studying Chinese very hard for about three
years, I had an interesting experience. One day I happened to find a Spanish
-language newspaper sitting on a seat next to me. I picked it up out of

curiosity. “Hmm,” I thought to myself. “I’ve never studied Spanish in
my life. I wonder how much of this I can understand.” At random I picked
a short article about an airplane crash and started to read. I found
I could basically glean, with some guesswork, most of the information
from the article. The crash took place near Los Angeles. 186 people were
killed. There were no survivors. The plane crashed just one minute after
take-off. There was nothing on the flight recorder to indicate a critical
situation, and the tower was unaware of any emergency. The plane had
just been serviced three days before and no mechanical problems had been
found. And so on. After finishing the article I had a sudden discouraging
realization: Having never studied a day of Spanish, I could read a Spanish
newspaper more easily than I could a Chinese newspaper after more than
three years of studying Chinese.
What was going on here? Why was this “foreign” language so transparent
? The reason was obvious: cognates—those helpful words that are just
English words with a little foreign make-up.9 I could read the article
because most of the operative words were basically English: aeropuerto
, problema mechanico, un minuto, situacion critica, emergencia, etc. Recognizing
these words as just English words in disguise is about as difficult as
noticing that Superman is really Clark Kent without his glasses. That
these quasi-English words are easier to learn than Chinese characters
(which might as well be quasi-Martian) goes without saying.
Imagine you are a diabetic, and you find yourself in Spain about to go
into insulin shock. You can rush into a doctor’s office, and, with a
minimum of Spanish and a couple of pieces of guesswork (“diabetes” is
just “diabetes” and “insulin” is “insulina”, it turns out), you’re saved
. In China you’d be a goner for sure, unless you happen to have a dictionary
with you, and even then you would probably pass out while frantically
looking for the first character in the word for insulin. Which brings
me to the next reason why Chinese is so hard.
5. Because even looking up a word in the dictionary is complicated.
One of the most unreasonably difficult things about learning Chinese is
that merely learning how to look up a word in the dictionary is about
the equivalent of an entire semester of secretarial school. When I was
in Taiwan, I heard that they sometimes held dictionary look-up contests
in the junior high schools. Imagine a language where simply looking a
word up in the dictionary is considered a skill like debate or volleyball
! Chinese is not exactly what you would call a user-friendly language,
but a Chinese dictionary is positively user-hostile.
Figuring out all the radicals and their variants, plus dealing with the
ambiguous characters with no obvious radical at all is a stupid, time
-consuming chore that slows the learning process down by a factor of ten
as compared to other languages with a sensible alphabet or the equivalent
. I’d say it took me a good year before I could reliably find in the dictionary
any character I might encounter. And to this day, I will very occasionally
stumble onto a character that I simply can’t find at all, even after
ten minutes of searching. At such times I raise my hands to the sky, Job
-like, and consider going into telemarketing.
Chinese must also be one of the most dictionary-intensive languages on
earth. I currently have more than twenty Chinese dictionaries of various
kinds on my desk, and they all have a specific and distinct use. There
are dictionaries with simplified characters used on the mainland, dictionaries
with the traditional characters used in Taiwan and Hong Kong, and dictionaries
with both. There are dictionaries that use the Wade-Giles romanization
, dictionaries that use pinyin, and dictionaries that use other more surrealistic
romanization methods. There are dictionaries of classical Chinese particles
, dictionaries of Beijing dialect, dictionaries of chéngyu�� (four-
character idioms), dictionaries of xie��ho��uyu�� (special allegorical
two-part sayings), dictionaries of ya��nyu�� (proverbs), dictionaries
of Chinese communist terms, dictionaries of Buddhist terms, reverse dictionaries
… on and on. An exhaustive hunt for some elusive or problematic lexical
item can leave one’s desk “strewn with dictionaries as numerous as dead
soldiers on a battlefield.”10
For looking up unfamiliar characters there is another method called the
four-corner system. This method is very fast—rumored to be, in principle
, about as fast as alphabetic look-up (though I haven’t met anyone yet
who can hit the winning number each time on the first try). Unfortunately
, learning this method takes about as much time and practice as learning
the Dewey decimal system. Plus you are then at the mercy of the few dictionaries
that are arranged according to the numbering scheme of the four-corner
system. Those who have mastered this system usually swear by it. The
rest of us just swear.
Another problem with looking up words in the dictionary has to do with
the nature of written Chinese. In most languages it’s pretty obvious
where the word boundaries lie—there are spaces between the words. If
you don’t know the word in question, it’s usually fairly clear what you
should look up. (What actually constitutes a word is a very subtle issue
, of course, but for my purposes here, what I’m saying is basically correct
.) In Chinese there are spaces between characters, but it takes quite
a lot of knowledge of the language and often some genuine sleuth work
to tell where word boundaries lie; thus it’s often trial and error to
look up a word. It would be as if English were written thus:
FEAR LESS LY OUT SPOKE N BUT SOME WHAT HUMOR LESS NEW ENG LAND BORN LEAD
ACT OR GEORGE MICHAEL SON EX PRESS ED OUT RAGE TO DAY AT THE STALE MATE
BE TWEEN MAN AGE MENT AND THE ACT OR ‘S UNION BE CAUSE THE STAND OFF
HAD SET BACK THE TIME TABLE FOR PRO DUC TION OF HIS PLAY, A ONE MAN SHOW
CASE THAT WAS HIS FIRST RUN A WAY BROAD WAY BOX OFFICE SMASH HIT. “THE
FIRST A MEND MENT IS AT IS SUEHE PRO CLAIM ED. “FOR A CENS OR OR AN
EDIT OR TO EDIT OR OTHER WISE BLUE PENCIL QUESTION ABLE DIA LOG JUST
TO KOW TOW TO RIGHT WING BORN AGAIN BIBLE THUMP ING FRUIT CAKE S IS A
DOWN RIGHT DIS GRACE.”
Imagine how this difference would compound the dictionary look-up difficulties
of a non-native speaker of English. The passage is pretty trivial for
us to understand, but then we already know English. For them it would
often be hard to tell where the word boundaries were supposed to be.
So it is, too, with someone trying to learn Chinese.
6. Then there’s classical Chinese (wenyanwen).
Forget it. Way too difficult. If you think that after three or four years
of study you’ll be breezing through Confucius and Mencius in the way
third-year French students at a comparable level are reading Diderot and
Voltaire, you’re sadly mistaken. There are some westerners who can comfortably
read classical Chinese, but most of them have a lot of gray hair or at
least tenure.
Unfortunately, classical Chinese pops up everywhere, especially in Chinese
paintings and character scrolls, and most people will assume anyone literate
in Chinese can read it. It’s truly embarrassing to be out at a Chinese
restaurant, and someone asks you to translate some characters on a wall
hanging.
“Hey, you speak Chinese. What does this scroll say?” You look up and see
that the characters are written in wenyan, and in incomprehensible “grass
-style” calligraphy to boot. It might as well be an EKG readout of a dying
heart patient.
“Uh, I can make out one or two of the characters, but I couldn’t tell
you what it says,” you stammer. “I think it’s about a phoenix or something
.”
“Oh, I thought you knew Chinese,” says your friend, returning to their
menu. Never mind that an honest-to-goodness Chinese person would also
just scratch their head and shrug; the face that is lost is yours.
Whereas modern Mandarin is merely perversely hard, classical Chinese is
deliberately impossible. Here’s a secret that sinologists won’t tell
you: A passage in classical Chinese can be understood only if you already
know what the passage says in the first place. This is because classical
Chinese really consists of several centuries of esoteric anecdotes and
in-jokes written in a kind of terse, miserly code for dissemination among
a small, elite group of intellectually-inbred bookworms who already knew
the whole literature backwards and forwards, anyway. An uninitiated westerner
can no more be expected to understand such writing than Confucius himself
, if transported to the present, could understand the entries in the ”
personal” section of the classified ads that say things like: “Hndsm.
SWGM, 24, 160, sks BGM or WGM for gentle S&M, mod. bndg., some lthr.,
twosm or threesm ok, have own equip., wheels, 988-8752 lv. mssg. on ans
. mach., no weirdos please.”
In fairness, it should be said that classical Chinese gets easier the
more you attempt it. But then so does hitting a hole in one, or swimming
the English channel in a straitjacket.
7. Because there are too many romanization methods and they all suck.
Well, perhaps that’s too harsh. But it is true that there are too many
of them, and most of them were designed either by committee or by linguists
, or—even worse—by a committee of linguists. It is, of course, a
very tricky task to devise a romanization method; some are better than
others, but all involve plenty of counterintuitive spellings.11 And if
you’re serious about a career in Chinese, you’ll have to grapple with
at least four or five of them, not including the bopomofu phonetic symbols
used in Taiwan. There are probably a dozen or more romanization schemes
out there somewhere, most of them mercifully obscure and rightfully ignored
. There is a standing joke among sinologists that one of the first signs
of senility in a China scholar is the compulsion to come up with a new
romanization method.

  1. Because tonal languages are weird.
    Okay, that’s very Anglo-centric, I know it. But I have to mention this
    problem because it’s one of the most common complaints about learning
    Chinese, and it’s one of the aspects of the language that westerners
    are notoriously bad at. Every person who tackles Chinese at first has
    a little trouble believing this aspect of the language. How is it possible
    that shu��xué means “mathematics” while shu��xue�� means “blood
    transfusion”, or that guo��jia��ng means “you flatter me” while guo
    ��jia��ng means “fruit paste”?
    By itself, this property of Chinese would be hard enough; it means that
    , for us non-native speakers, there is this extra, seemingly irrelevant
    aspect of the sound of a word that you must memorize along with the vowels
    and consonants. But where the real difficulty comes in is when you start
    to really use Chinese to express yourself. You suddenly find yourself
    straitjacketed—when you say the sentence with the intonation that
    feels natural, the tones come out all wrong. For example, if you wish
    say something like “Hey, that’s my water glass you’re drinking out of!
    “, and you follow your intonational instincts—that is, to put a distinct
    falling tone on the first character of the word for “my”—you will
    have said a kind of gibberish that may or may not be understood.
    Intonation and stress habits are incredibly ingrained and second-nature
    . With non-tonal languages you can basically import, mutatis mutandis,
    your habitual ways of emphasizing, negating, stressing, and questioning
    . The results may be somewhat non-native but usually understandable. Not
    so with Chinese, where your intonational contours must always obey the
    tonal constraints of the specific words you’ve chosen. Chinese speakers
    , of course, can express all of the intonational subtleties available
    in non-tonal languages—it’s just that they do it in a way that is somewhat
    alien to us speakers of non-tonal languages. When you first begin using
    your Chinese to talk about subjects that actually matter to you, you
    find that it feels somewhat like trying to have a passionate argument
    with your hands tied behind your back—you are suddenly robbed of some
    vital expressive tools you hadn’t even been aware of having.
  2. Because east is east and west is west, and the twain have only recently
    met.
    Language and culture cannot be separated, of course, and one of the main
    reasons Chinese is so difficult for Americans is that our two cultures
    have been isolated for so long. The reason reading French sentences like
    “Le président Bush assure le peuple koweitien que le gouvernement am
    éricain va continuer à défendre le Koweit contre la menace irakienne
    ,” is about as hard as deciphering pig Latin is not just because of the
    deep Indo-European family resemblance, but also because the core concepts
    and cultural assumptions in such utterances stem from the same source
    . We share the same art history, the same music history, the same history
    history—which means that in the head of a French person there is basically
    the same set of archetypes and the same cultural cast of characters that
    ’s in an American’s head. We are as familiar with Rimbaud as they are
    with Rambo. In fact, compared to the difference between China and the
    U.S., American culture and and French culture seem about as different
    as Peter Pan and Skippy peanut butter.
    Speaking with a Chinese person is usually a different matter. You just
    can’t drop Dickens, Tarzan, Jack the Ripper, Goethe, or the Beatles into
    a conversation and always expect to be understood. I once had a Chinese
    friend who had read the first translations of Kafka into Chinese, yet
    didn’t know who Santa Claus was. China has had extensive contact with
    the West in the last few decades, but there is still a vast sea of knowledge
    and ideas that is not shared by both cultures.
    Similarly, how many Americans other than sinophiles have even a rough
    idea of the chronology of China’s dynasties? Has the average history major
    here ever heard of Qin Shi Huangdi and his contribution to Chinese culture
    ? How many American music majors have ever heard a note of Peking Opera
    , or would recognize a pipa if they tripped over one? How many otherwise
    literate Americans have heard of Lu Xun, Ba Jin, or even Mozi?
    What this means is that when Americans and Chinese get together, there
    is often not just a language barrier, but an immense cultural barrier
    as well. Of course, this is one of the reasons the study of Chinese is
    so interesting. It is also one of the reasons it is so damn hard.
    Conclusion
    I could go on and on, but I figure if the reader has bothered to read
    this far, I’m preaching to the converted, anyway. Those who have tackled
    other difficult languages have their own litany of horror stories, I’
    m sure. But I still feel reasonably confident in asserting that, for an
    average American, Chinese is significantly harder to learn than any of
    the other thirty or so major world languages that are usually studied
    formally at the university level (though Japanese in many ways comes
    close). Not too interesting for linguists, maybe, but something to consider
    if you’ve decided to better yourself by learning a foreign language,
    and you’re thinking “Gee, Chinese looks kinda neat.”
    It’s pretty hard to quantify a process as complex and multi-faceted as
    language-learning, but one simple metric is to simply estimate the time
    it takes to master the requisite language-learning skills. When you consider
    all the above-mentioned things a learner of Chinese has to acquire—ability to use a dictionary, familiarity with two or three romanization
    methods, a grasp of principles involved in writing characters (both simplified
    and traditional)—it adds up to an awful lot of down time while one
    is “learning to learn” Chinese.
    How much harder is Chinese? Again, I’ll use French as my canonical “easy
    language”. This is a very rough and intuitive estimate, but I would say
    that it takes about three times as long to reach a level of comfortable
    fluency in speaking, reading, and writing Chinese as it takes to reach
    a comparable level in French. An average American could probably become
    reasonably fluent in two Romance languages in the time it would take
    them to reach the same level in Chinese.
    One could perhaps view learning languages as being similar to learning
    musical instruments. Despite the esoteric glories of the harmonica literature
    , it’s probably safe to say that the piano is a lot harder and more time
    -consuming to learn. To extend the analogy, there is also the fact that
    we are all virtuosos on at least one “instrument” (namely, our native
    language), and learning instruments from the same family is easier than
    embarking on a completely different instrument. A Spanish person learning
    Portuguese is comparable to a violinist taking up the viola, whereas
    an American learning Chinese is more like a rock guitarist trying to learn
    to play an elaborate 30-stop three-manual pipe organ.
    Someone once said that learning Chinese is “a five-year lesson in humility
    “. I used to think this meant that at the end of five years you will have
    mastered Chinese and learned humility along the way. However, now having
    studied Chinese for over six years, I have concluded that actually the
    phrase means that after five years your Chinese will still be abysmal
    , but at least you will have thoroughly learned humility.
    There is still the awe-inspiring fact that Chinese people manage to learn
    their own language very well. Perhaps they are like the gradeschool kids
    that Baroque performance groups recruit to sing Bach cantatas. The story
    goes that someone in the audience, amazed at hearing such youthful cherubs
    flawlessly singing Bach’s uncompromisingly difficult vocal music, asks
    the choir director, “But how are they able to perform such difficult
    music?”
    “Shh—not so loud!” says the director, “If you don’t tell them it’s
    difficult, they never know.”
    Bibliography
    (A longer version of this paper is available through CRCC, Indiana University
    , 510 N. Fess, Bloomington, IN, 47408.)
    Chen, Heqin, (1928)”Yutiwen yingyong zihui” [Characters used in vernacular
    literature], Shanghai.
    DeFrancis, John (1966) “Why Johnny Can’t Read Chinese”, Journal of the
    Chinese Language Teachers Association, Vol. 1, No. 1, Feb. 1966, pp.
    1-20.
    DeFrancis, John (1984) The Chinese Language: Fact and Fantasy, Honolulu
    : University of Hawaii Press.
    DeFrancis, John (1989) Visible Speech: The Diverse Oneness of Writing
    Systems, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.
    Kennedy, George (1964) “A Minimum Vocabulary in Modern Chinese”, in Selected
    Works of George Kennedy, Tien-yi Li (ed.), New Haven: Far Eastern Publications
    .

    Mair, Victor (1986) “The Need for an Alphabetically Arranged General Usage
    Dictionary of Mandarin Chinese: A Review Article of Some Recent Dictionaries
    and Current Lexicographical Projects”, Sino-Platonic Papers, No. 1, February
    , 1986 (Dept. of Oriental Studies, University of Pennsylvania).
    Zhao, Yuanren, (1972) Aspects of Chinese Sociolinguistics, Anwar S. Dil
    (ed.), Stanford: Stanford University Press.
    Notes

    1. I am speaking of the writing system here, but the difficulty of
      the writing system has such a pervasive effect on literacy and general
      language mastery that I think the statement as a whole is still valid
      . back
    2. John DeFrancis, The Chinese Language: Fact and Fantasy, Honolulu
      : University of Hawaii Press, 1984, p.153. Most of the issues in this
      paper are dealt with at length and with great clarity in both this book
      and in his Visible Speech: The Diverse Oneness of Writing Systems, Honolulu
      : University of Hawaii Press, 1989. back
    3. Incidentally, I’m aware that much of what I’ve said above applies
      to Japanese as well, but it seems clear that the burden placed on a learner
      of Japanese is much lighter because (a) the number of Chinese characters
      used in Japanese is “only” about 2,000—fewer by a factor of two or
      three compared to the number needed by the average literate Chinese reader
      ; and (b) the Japanese have phonetic syllabaries (the hiragana and katakana
      characters), which are nearly 100% phonetically reliable and are in many
      ways easier to master than chaotic English orthography is. back
    4. See, for ex., Chen Heqin, “Yutiwen yingyong zihui” [Characters used
      in vernacular literature], Shanghai, 1928. back
    5. John DeFrancis deals with this issue, among other places, in “Why
      Johnny Can’t Read Chinese”, Journal of the Chinese Language Teachers
      Association, Vol. 1, No. 1, Feb. 1966, pp. 1-20. back
    6. George Kennedy, “A Minimum Vocabulary in Modern Chinese”, in Selected
      Works of George Kennedy, Tien-yi Li (ed.), New Haven, 1964, p. 8. back

    7. Zhao Yuanren, Aspects of Chinese Sociolinguistics, Anwar S. Dil
      (ed.), Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1976, p. 92. back

    8. John DeFrancis, The Chinese Language: Fact and Fantasy, p. 109.
      back
    9. Charles Hockett reminds me that many of my examples are really instances
      of loan words, not cognates, but rather than take up space dealing with
      the issue, I will blur the distinction a bit here. There are phonetic
      loan words from English into Chinese, of course, but they are scarce
      curiosities rather than plentiful semantic moorings. back
    10. A phrase taken from an article by Victor Mair with the deceptively
      boring title ” The Need for an Alphabetically Arranged General Usage
      Dictionary of Mandarin Chinese: A Review Article of Some Recent Dictionaries
      and Current Lexicographical Projects” (Sino-Platonic Papers, No. 1, February
      , 1986, Dept. of Oriental Studies, University of Pennsylvania). Mair includes
      a rather hilarious but realistic account of the tortuous steeplechase
      of looking up a low-frequency lexical item in his arsenal of Chinese
      dictionaries. back
    11. I have noticed from time to time that the romanization method first
      used tends to influence one’s accent in Chinese. It seems to me a Chinese
      person with a very keen ear could distinguish Americans speaking, say
      , Wade-Giles-accented Chinese from pinyin-accented Chinese. back

PhilosophyJanuary 29, 2007 11:46 am

好笑的人太多了,笑天下可笑之人。似乎改变很多。不作为强者和最明白人们心理所想的人活着,是很没意思的。撑场面的争取还不如潇洒的放弃。

PhilosophyJanuary 27, 2007 11:23 am

从新听了《那些花儿》,想起我的朋友们。小胖,考试结束了吧!祥子,过的怎样?明振,活的还幸福么?小春儿,你到底找不着女朋友啊,总要介绍下~~

无论过往如何,我总算是走过那段日子,开开心心的。我不想上QQ,因为知道了有一个希望在前面等候,不想揭去已经逐渐抚平的伤疤。未来的日子里,我会努力的做我想做的事情。为你们祝福!

PhilosophyJanuary 24, 2007 12:03 pm

普通人对幸福的定义大抵相同,和和美美、平平安安,可以满足生活需要的钱,如此而已。我也不是没有想过,不过对我来说,这种希望非常容易,也非常困难。

情绪的不稳定真是折磨人。就像《钟鼓楼》一样,你可以放松去听,而后却非常压抑。不知道别的人是不是也有类似的体验。一往如前的浪漫,然后是疲惫,一往如前的幸福,然后是落寞。然后告诉自己:这人生,也就笑笑罢了。好久没有这种宿命似的论调了。呵呵一声,然后释然。

PhilosophyJanuary 21, 2007 11:52 am

结构先于体制定型

一般地说,大规模的社会变革总会涉及到两个相关的过程,一个是体制的变革,也就是一套有关社会生活规则的改变。二是社会力量构成的变化。但在社会变革的不同阶段上,这两个过程的关系是不一样的。而这种关系的变化又反过来会对变革的过程产生重要的影响。

概括地说,从上个世纪80年代初开始一直到90年代中期,基本的过程是体制的变革推动着社会结构的变迁,即新的社会力量及其新的组合关系的形成。其具体标志是社会结构的分化和新的社会力量的成长。

在社会结构分化的过程中,一些过去在我们社会生活中经常使用的名词几乎消失了。知识分子高度分化了,体制内的知识分子与体制外的知识分子,进入市场的知识分子和没有进入市场的知识分子,甚至他们各自的内部还在更进一步的分化。工人的概念虽然没有消失,但凡是用到工人这个概念的时候,往往前面都加上了修饰词,国有企业工人、三资企业的工人、乡镇企业工人、下岗工人和失业工人等。如果要讲目前我国农民的经济社会生活状况,往往也要加上修诗词了,比如东部地区的农民,中西部地区的农民,富裕地区农民或贫困的农民,务农的农民和外出打工的农民等等。这些概念的变化,揭示了一个最基本的事实,就是我们社会的分化是越来越细了。

同时,一些新的社会力量迅速成长起来,比如在新的产权框架中形成的“民营企业家”和私营企业主,在新的公司治理结构中出现的职业经理人员,由新的管理业务和技术而发展起来的技术专家阶层和白领群体等。这些新的社会力量,都是体制变革的产物,因为其存在和发展所必须的资源和空间都是由体制变革提供的。总起来说,在90年代中期之前,是体制变革催生新的社会力量,这些新的社会力量凭借新的体制寻找自己发展的空间。但在当时的情况下,这些新的社会力量主动影响体制变革的作用还不明显。

而从90年代中期开始,在体制的变革仍在继续进行的同时,新形成的社会力量及其组合关系已经开始逐步定型下来了。说得直白一点,就是从这个时候起,谁是穷人谁是富人已经大体确定下来了。其标志主要有四点。

第一,阶层之间的边界开始形成。最显而易见的是不同居住区域的分离。如果说由居住分区形成的阶层边界是可见的,那么,由生活方式和文化形成的阶层边界则是无形的。但这种无形的边界,不仅可以作为阶层边界的象征,而且,如法国著名社会学家布尔迪厄所说,还是阶层结构再生产的机制。第二,内部认同的形成。阶层内部认同的形成是与阶层之间的边界联系在一起的。因为人们正是从这种边界中萌发“我们”与“他们”的概念和意识的。在1991年,上海市社会科学院曾经对上海市民的阶层意识进行过调查,得出的结论还是“有阶层化差别但无阶层化意识”。而在1996年的武汉进行的调查则表明,绝大多数市民具有阶层认知,其中3/4的人认为自己是处在一个不平等的社会当中。第三,阶层之间的流动开始减少。在80年代,包括在90年代初期,阶层之间的流动是相当频繁的。但到了90年代中后期,情况发生了明显的变化。这种变化的表现之一是社会中门槛的加高。在80年代和90年代初期的时候,只要很小的资本就可以进入一个经营领域。现在的一些大房地产开发商,有的当初就是借几万元钱就进入房地产领域的,而在今天,已经完全没有这种可能。第四,社会阶层的再生产。也就是说,过去人们常说的农之子恒为农商之子恒为商的现象开始出现了。

当新的社会力量发育并基本定型下来之后,体制的变革过程便开始更多受到这些社会力量的影响和左右。

定型化背景下的断裂社会

但是,在这个过程中,不同利益主体发育的程度是不同的。这种差异突出地表现在不同群体争取自己利益的能力是非常不同的。争取利益能力的差异,尤其是表现在强势群体和弱势群体之间。

在强势群体一方,强势群体的各个部分不仅已经形成了一种比较稳定的结盟关系,而且具有了相当大的社会能量,对整个社会生活开始产生重要的影响。这个强势群体的社会能量主要表现在如下几个方面。第一,对公共政策制定和执行过程的影响。在1990年代中前期实行经济紧缩的方针时,一些房地产商赞助了一系列的经济发展研讨会,由经济学家出面呼吁政府实行宽松的财政和金融政策。这可以看作是一个开端。第二,对社会公共舆论的影响和话语形成的能力。在1990年代中期之后,传媒更多地受这个强势群体的影响。而由知识分子制造的主导性话语也更直接地体现了这个群体的价值和主张。第三,形成了弱势群体对强势群体的依附型关系。因为不管你愿意不愿意承认,弱势群体的许多机会,是由强势群体提供的。近些年来,在诸如拆迁、征地等问题上,资本与地方政府的结盟关系,就已经清晰可见。而在2004年有关国有资产流失讨论中利益取向明显的学者与资本的联盟关系更是浮出了水面。

而弱势群体在追逐自己的利益上,显然处于无力的状态。这首先表现在,弱势群体在我们的政治构架中缺少利益代表。更重要的是,在我国,弱势群体实际上缺少国际上通行的弱势群体表达自己利益的制度化方式。

在这种情况下,一种我称之为断裂社会的结构在开始形成。对于断裂社会这个概念,我曾经在下述几种不同的意义上使用过。第一,在社会等级与分层结构上是指一部分人被甩到社会结构之外,而且在不同的阶层和群体之间缺乏有效的整合机制。第二,在地区之间,断裂社会表现为城乡之间的断裂。城乡之间的断裂既有社会结构的含义,也有区域之间的含义。第三,社会的断裂会表现在文化以及社会生活的许多层面。断裂社会的实质,是几个时代的成分并存,互相之间缺乏有机的联系。但在更根本的意义上,断裂社会是指存在主要断裂带的社会。而这条主要断裂带,在今天我们的社会中就是贫富差距。目前中国社会所面临的种种分歧和对立,有相当一部分就是沿着这条主要断裂带展开的。福尔泰利有句名言,在一个国家中,只有一种宗教意味着专制,有两种宗教意味着内战,有多种宗教意味着和平和自由。因此,关键的问题不在一个社会是否存在冲突和矛盾,而在于这些冲突和矛盾是否沿着一条主要断裂带展开。

在这种情况下,上下之间的结构性紧张是显而易见的。在最近的几年中,由于利益的冲突,双方的关系进一步紧张。在网络上,人们可以看到对精英的奚落和羞辱在越来越多。而精英本身似乎变得越来越专横和霸道。当房地产商说,我们是给富人盖房子而不是给穷人盖房子的时候,当北京的出租车公司所有者说换什么样的车型是我们公司的事情,与消费者有什么关系的时候,当有的知识精英说普通老百姓反对我的观点恰好说明我正确的时候,我们既可以体会到精英的霸道与专横,也可以体会到精英与大众的裂痕在加深。大众和精英裂痕的加深会导致什么情况的出现?2004年年中的时候我讲到过上层阶级化、下层碎片化的结构形成问题。网上也有人讲这种结构的行为特征,叫作上层寡头化,下层民粹化。应当说这是值得警惕的趋势。

断裂社会中的改革论争

在过去的两三年时间里,出现了一场对改革的反思和论争。对于这样一场会对中国未来走向产生重要影响的争论,也许只有在断裂社会的背景下才能得到深刻的理解。

从严格的意义上可以说关于改革的争论一直都存在着。但总的来说,在90年代中期之前,整个社会对于改革的共识是相当高的。在那个时候,绝大多数改革几乎都得到整个社会的呼应。这种呼应一方面是基于对弊端丛生的旧体制的不满,但更重要的是,在当时的情况下,对旧体制的任何“破除”似乎都意味着一种“改善”,就连旧体制的受益者,也似乎在对旧体制的破除中得到了另一份好处。于是,改革的道德优势压倒了意识形态的阻力,改革得以顺利推行。问题是发生在90年代中期之后。但发生的问题是什么?有人认为,中国的改革到了一个更为复杂的阶段,改革的难度加大,出现问题的可能性就增大了。他们更愿意将改革中的问题看作是偶然失误的结果。

但这样的说法虽然可以理解,却很难让人信服。因为在面对复杂的局面而容易“出错”的时候,这种“错”应当是散射性的,“错”的结果应当是随机的,即每次的受益者和受损者是无规则变化的。如果所有的“错”都使得结果总是对一部分人有利而对另一部分人不利,就使人相信这决不是自然地“出错”,而是利益集团扭曲改革措施的机制已经形成。而其结构背景就是前面所说的90年代中期之后,新形成的社会力量及其组合关系已经开始逐步定型下来了,并且在强有力地影响着改革的方向和实际的进程。其结果就是,改革的过程越来越多地被一些社会力量集团所左右。

扭曲机制的形成,从根本上改变了改革的进程。我们在现实的生活中可以看到这样一种现象:当一种改革措施或一项政策出台前后,社会上特别是学术界或政策研究者中往往出现很大的争论,其中的一些争论会带有很强的意识形态色彩,比如改革与保守,左与右等。但在这项措施或政策实施之后,人们会发现,无论这些措施或政策的取向是什么,在利益结果上几乎都没有太大的差别,该对谁有利还是对谁有利,该对谁不利还是对谁不利。由此,每一次涉及大多数人利益的改革最后往往都成为一场利益或财富掠夺的战争。住房制度改革几乎是最后一项利弊参半的改革。而在此前后的其他改革,大多是以既得利益集团利益最大化为结局。其中最能体现这个特点的,就是国有企业的改革特别是改制。在国企改革或改制的过程中,几千万人失去工作或前提退休,其得到的补偿却微乎其微,而在另一方面,大量的国有资产被瓜分,甚至在瓜分之后也没有出现一些人期望的所谓“效率”。不是说弊端丛生的国有企业不需要进行改革,实际上,在大规模国企改革进行之前,包括普通民众在内,人们对国企改革的共识是很高的。甚至人们对国企的私有化也不是完全没有思想准备的。那么是不是到了真要付出代价的时候人们的态度又变化了?有些瓜分国有资产的辩护者也确实是这样说的。但这样的说法是不公正的,因为没有任何理由可以说明,国有企业改革必须要以这样最坏的方式才能进行。

不过要注意到的是,在最初的时候,对改革的扭曲还主要是发生在政策实施的环节上。在我国,政策制定和实施的偏离通常都比较大。在改革前,经济社会生活程序化的程度低,社会动员成为运作社会经济生活的主要方式,各级政府主要是提出一些原则性的目标和要求,实际工作效果主要看执行部门的落实情况。在改革中,打擦边球、变通、打左灯向右转等,成为推进改革的重要方式,政策制定和偏离的程度进一步加大。这些方式沿袭下来,也就成为一种习惯。当社会中的利益群体开始形成的时候,特别是某些层级的政府或政府部门本身成为利益主体的时候,这些做法就开始成为扭曲改革的机制。在那个时候,社会中利益群体或个别政府部门直接影响政策制定的能力还很小。而在最近几年间,随着利益群体的进一步发育,其对政策制定环节的影响明显增强。在一些重要政策的制定中,我们往往可以看到这些利益群体的影响和作用。在最近几年的房地产领域,这种现象就相当明显。同时,随着政府部门利益主体化,部门利益也开始成为影响决策甚至立法的重要因素。

深化改革,建立市场经济条件下的利益均衡机制

社会结构的变化,给我们的社会提出了新的课题。在社会结构的力量越来越处于活跃状态的情况下,需要通过改革的深化以及方向的必要调整,来促进和谐社会的构建。

一是优化社会结构。首先是扩大中产阶层在社会结构中的比重。在中国改革的过程中,在最近几年政府的政策上,扩大中等收入阶层的规模的取向日益明确。但客观地说,中国的中产阶层发育得还相当缓慢。除了在经济发达地区,特别是大城市中之外,中产阶层还是踪影难觅。从根本上说,中产阶层的发育与经济发展的水平有关,但同时不能忽视的另一个原因就是,社会上层过多地占有资源,在很大程度上限制了中产阶层发展的空间。在当前尤其需要警惕中产阶层成为调整贫富差距的替罪羊。其次是保护普通民众特别是下层社会的生存生态。市场中资源集中的自然趋势,政府对能参与国际竞争的大企业的扶植,银行信贷政策的倾斜,中小企业沉重的税费负担,使得小企业和个体户的生存环境越来越恶化。城市中片面追求秩序和美轮美奂的管理方式,伤及了许多下层民众的生存生态。近些年来城管与小贩之间的冲突就是这种状况的外在表现。建设无摊城市、禁止瓜农进城摆卖西瓜、禁止果农摆卖桃子、对有碍城市观瞻的居住区一律扫荡等措施,表现出的是对民生的漠视。在社会日益分化的情况下,要给弱者以出路。再次是保护社会流动的机制,使下层人能看到希望,有了希望就不至于绝望。

二是建立市场经济条件下的利益均衡机制。是什么原因使得我国贫富差距急剧拉大?对于其直接原因,人们已经进行了许多的讨论,比如,收入分配制度的问题,个人收入所得税的问题,贪污腐败的问题,瓜分国有资产的问题等等。但问题在于,为什么这些不同的因素会共同加剧着社会的不平等?这些因素为什么会在这样短的时间里对贫富分化产生了如此巨大的影响?这些制度或因素本身又是在什么样的背景下形成的?实际上,只要我们认真地追溯一下,就可以发现,在这种种因素背后的,是不同群体在表达和追求自己利益的能力上所存在的巨大差异。换言之,贫富悬殊的背后是不同群体在表达和追求自己利益的能力上失衡的结果。因此,我们要正视这样一个现实:我们已经建立起市场经济的基本框架,现在需要建立为市场经济不可缺少的利益均衡机制。第一,承认社会利益高度分化的现实,承认不同的社会群体追求自己利益的合法性并保护其权利,就不同群体表达自己的利益以及为追求自己利益施加压力做出制度性安排。第二,在几个最主要的社会利益主体间建立了沟通和协商的渠道,特别是在劳方和资方要建立制度化的利益谈判机制。第三,明确国家或政府在利益均衡机制中的角色,即国家充当规则的制定者和冲突的裁决者的角色。第四,形成制度化解决社会利益冲突的机制。

三是建设具有超越性的政府。社会的发育与政府自主性的提高是健康社会两个不可缺少的方面。和谐社会的建构从一个方面来说,代表了重建政府自主性和超越性的努力。和谐社会是一个利益关系相对均衡、社会公正和社会正义基本能够得到维护的社会。最近各级政府在和谐社会构建当中采取的一系列措施就具体表明了这种努力。需要正视的是,在市场转型的过程中,我们开始面对一系列的新问题、新因素,其中的一些因素和问题会妨碍甚至削弱政府的超越性和自主性。比如说一些政府部门成为市场中的利益主体,导致政府行为市场化企业化,一些地方政府或政府部门按照企业性的目标定义自己的行为取向,安排自己的活动,片面追求经济效益,而忽视政府所承担的其他功能,在有的地方政府机构甚至直接参与赢利性的经营活动;某些政府部门在追逐利益的时候,导致政府定位和职能的走样变形,形成人们所说的公共权力部门化、政府部门利益化、部门利益法制化的现象;部分强势群体对政府政策制定和执行具有更大影响力;政府行为势利化等。我们现在存在的一些问题就是与政府超越性的下降有着密切关系,如在政策制定和执行上向强势群体倾斜;在劳资关系中偏向资方一边;对于能够惠及广泛社会群体的公共服务的忽视;社会公正和正义受到损害等等。因此,重建政府的自主性和超越性,是构建和谐社会中必须加以解决的问题。

PhilosophyJanuary 19, 2007 12:35 pm

许巍的歌忧郁,沧桑、平和、孤独而沉厚。Lyrics上下载许巍的歌词,几乎所有的歌编辑里面都有一个名字:我怕冷。害怕孤单,却又无奈的孤单。

PhilosophyJanuary 17, 2007 12:44 pm

这是个不需要英雄的时代,每个人都要演绎属于自己的世界。我以前说过,“表演自己”是个很共性的行为,但也是个性的行为。每天我们都在表演自己,但什么才是自己。人们对于这个问题的探寻不曾停止过哪怕一秒,因为太多的“自我”都属于别人,哪怕一个动作,一句话。什么才是自我?所有我拥有的“大家”按照某种结构组合起来就是自我。说起来有些沮丧,但真正能把所有的经历组合起来并按照某一些“共性的逻辑”组合起来是多么了不起的一件事情。

Philosophy 11:15 am

根据矛盾的过程,空间距离使得事物变得渺小了,也就见不到其不足了,这也就是
呈现在照相机缩小镜片上的景色要比实际上的景色美丽的原因。时间距离也会产生同样
的结果。当年的地点和事件,当年的伙伴都给记忆表面涂上了一层诱人的色彩。记忆只
能看到往事的一个轮廓,根本不可能去注意那些令人不快的细节。而我们目前的乐趣就
绝没有这种美妙之处,所以总好像不是完美无缺的。

再有,就空间而言,离我们近的物体看上去就大,可是贴近眼睛时,我们就看不见
别的物体了,当我们离开一段距离时,这种物体又变得渺小却又不可辨认了。同样道理,
时间亦然。日常生活中的琐碎事情常叫我们激动、焦虑、烦恼、热情,就是因为它在我
们的眼前,让我们看着它觉得是多么的硕大,又是多么的重要而严峻。可是,一旦它们
全部消失在时间的长河里时,就失去了自身的任何价值,只要我们不再想它,它就在我
们的记忆中逐步消失。它们之所以如此硕大,就是因为离我们很近的缘故。
欢乐与痛苦,并不是头脑的观念,而是意志的作用,所以它不属于记忆的范畴。我
们不可能回忆欢乐与痛苦,请注意,我指的不是重新去体验。我们所能回忆的只是伴随
着欢乐与痛苦的观念,尤其是那些我们想说的东西,这些是构成当时我们感受的标准。
因此,我们对欢乐和痛苦的回忆总是不完整的,一旦欢乐和痛苦过去了,我们也就对此
淡漠了。由此可以看到,我们想重新体验欢乐与痛苦的一切企图都是徒劳无益的。从本
质上讲,欢乐和痛苦是意志的作用,意志本身并无记忆,记忆属于智力的一种机能,记
忆所能得到的和所失去的只有思想和观念,我们这里并不想讨论它。
在窘迫困难的日子里,我们能够对自己曾经经历的美好时光记忆犹新,但是在美好
的日子里,我们对曾经有过的窘迫困难却只存有支离破碎、隐隐约约的记忆,这就是事
实,是令人疑惑不解的事实。

Philosophy 11:12 am

才智确实是有着千差万别的,但只给予一般的观察是不能做出清晰的比较的,因此,
必须作密切细微的观察,不然就不能够看出区别来。仅从事物的外部现象看,也是难以
对才智作出判断的,像教育、娱乐、职业等,不过仅从这点来看,也是可以看出,许多
人的生存地位要比一般人至少高10倍。

我们在这儿所说的并不是指那些未开化的野蛮人,其生存仅比森林中的猿类略高一
些。例如,那不勒斯或者威尼斯的搬运工们(那里的冬日是如此的漫长,使人们有较多
的空闲思考),是怎样生活的,我们从头至尾了解一下就能知道的,他们终年饥寒交迫,
以卖苦力为生;为了每日每时的生计而不辞辛劳地工作着;他们四处奔波,忍辱求职,
时过今日不知有否他日;精疲力竭之后才会有短暂的休息;无休止的争吵,他们根本无
暇思考;肉体上的乐趣就像是温暖的气候,没有足够的饮食可以让他们取乐。最后,他
们身上还有一点点虔诚的宗教信仰,这是唯一的一点玄学成分。所有上述这一切,都是
低级意识所具有的生活态度,他们终生为生计所迫而忙忙碌碌。这种混乱杂乱无章的梦
境便是如此众多之人们的生活。
只有在必须运用意志力的时候,这些人才会有瞬间的思考,他们不把自己的生命看
作是相互有关联的整体,甚至连自己的生存都无暇顾及,可以这样说,他们在一定程度
上只是浑浑噩噩的生活着。与我们相比,他们这些贱民与奴隶们的不知其然的生存方式
更近似动物,是完全局限于眼前的。不过,正因为如此,所以他们所遭受的痛苦却要比
我们少得多。由于我们的欢乐,从本质上说是消极的,或者说其欢乐在于从某种形式的
痛苦或者欲望中解脱出来;在于动手与结束之间连续而迅速的交替,这样的交替是他们
所从事工作的终身伴侣,是他们从劳动过渡到休息,最后达到欲望满足的境界时所使用
的扩大形式——这种形式为他们提供了取之不尽,用之不竭的欢乐之源泉。可实际上,
当我们观看穷苦人欢乐的面容时,发现较之富人更为开朗,确实可以为我们提供证据,
更能说明问题。
现在我们暂时撇开这种人看看精明的商人吧。他们干的是投机倒把的勾当,所以整
日冥思苦想其计划,而后万般谨慎地将其付之实施;他们成家立业,养着自己的妻儿老
小,在社会生活中也享有一定的地位。因此显然,他们的觉悟比起前者来要高得多,他
们的实际生存也有着崇高的现实地位。
接着我们再看看学者们。他们也许考证过历史,也曾纵观了世界历史发展的全部过
程,因此他们意识到生命是一个整体,所以也就能够观察事物而不受其生存时代和个人
利益的局限。
最后我们还要看看诗人或哲学家们。他们这些人具有高度的思维能力,但不愿潜心
去考证任何特殊的生存现象,只在生存本身面前感叹、诧异、并把这深奥的谜当作自己
研究的课题,然而他们所具有的意识倒也足够让他们去认识全部世界究竟有多深奥,因
为他们的才智全部摒弃了作为意志的仆役的作用,而是把世界整个展现到自己的眼前。
这个世界要求诗人或哲学家们去检验、思考,却又不让他们在这其中扮演什么角色。如
果说意识的程度就是现实的程度的话,那这种人的存在就可以说已经是登峰造极了,随
之对他们的描述就非同一般,而很具意义了。

PhilosophyJanuary 15, 2007 12:46 pm

过量的爱,过量的修饰又占据了我们的生活,包括电影。一部《黄金甲》告诉我们俭约时代的结束,如果说俭约是生活对自然的回归,那么华丽就是个体对在社会的宣誓和独立。我们总是以扭曲的方式表达我们的生活,总想显示我们如何在模式化中凸显自我。似乎只有人们不知道、不了解的才是最现代的。

当自然过后我们忽视了浪费要求的是效果,这一最现实的要求。似乎又进步了。鲁迅,正如人们所没有意识到的那样,只是个旧时代的批判者,而不是新时代的颂扬者。对于陌生的东西是该欢迎还是抗拒恐怕每个人都不能说清,尤其是文化。
听着Gun&Rose的Civil War,多想确定的表明自己的立场。可惜,手里没有烟,我也不想被那东西束缚着灵魂。人,还是被自己束缚着最惬意。